Iya Kii S’Omi Obe. By Prof Pius Adesanmi

Prof. Pius Adesanmi

“Hello Prof, I apologize for my email intrusion. I am one of your young avid readers and followers in Nigeria and I just wanted you to clarify something I saw recently on your Wall. If you are hosted in what you call “capitalist restaurants” by some of your wealthy friends when you come home, are you not betraying the cause?”

I receive hundreds of messages from self-declared “avid readers and followers” every day. It’s a challenge managing the daily chaos in my Facebook and Gmail inboxes, especially as I can only randomly respond to, maybe, five of such messages per week. On occasion, a message comes in and I decide that it provides an excellent excuse for a public teachable moment, for an extended public rumination on how, where, and why the rain began to beat us as a society. The email I received today from the above “avid reader and follower” is one such occasion. The reader is reacting to my recent Facebook update in which I confessed to being spoilt in posh, capitalist restaurants in the Lekki – Victoria Island axis by my friend, Mrs. Kike Akin-Davies, whenever I’m in Nigeria.

I will return to this matter presently but permit me some latitude to digress into this business of poverty and suffering – the habitat of an expansive majority of Nigerians. We may have to inquire from Opapala, the deity that is in charge of the Ministry of Throat, Belly, and Gourmandizing Affairs in the Yoruba pantheon of gods why the vocabulary for the expression of suffering and poverty is derived exclusively from his domain in the Yoruba language. To suffer is not a condition you experience in Yoruba. Suffering is not a particular state of being. Rather, to suffer is a condition you eat, literally, in Yoruba. The English, “to suffer”, literally translates to the Yoruba, “je iya” (to eat suffering).

However, the Yoruba are not done. In their ancestral wisdom, they endowed “iya” (suffering) with the possibility of being in the object or subject position. In essence, in Yoruba, you can eat suffering, “mo n je iya”, or suffering can eat you, “iya n je mi”. What you want to avoid by all means and at all costs is that ultimate existential condition of abjection where you have a double whammy, a combo of suffering which forecloses the possibility of minimal human worth and dignity.

In most parts of the world where I have studied and observed suffering and poverty among the 99%, I have always conceptualized that particular socio-economic problem in terms of one, just one of the expressive possibilities of the matter in Yoruba. If I’m in Southside Chicago or Barbès in Paris; Hillbrow or Soweto in Johannesburg; Jane and Finch in Toronto, my first mental inclination is to capture folks in those places (usually black people) in one of the possibilities allowable in Yoruba. I either think, “iya nje won” (they are suffering), or I think, “won nje iya” (they are suffering).

However, the thought of applying only one of these possibilities to the 99% in Nigeria never occurs to me whenever I have full visual contemplation of Nigerian society. Outside of the 1% in Nigeria, what you encounter is the Yoruba combo of people eating suffering and suffering eating people. In contemplating suffering and poverty in Nigeria, I always say to myself: “oto ni ki iya je eyan, oto ni ki eyan je iya, ewo ni iya nje mi mo tun nje iya?” In Nigeria, this combo of people eating suffering and suffering eating the same people at the same time is the prevailing tragic situation.

This combo, this double whammy of eating suffering and being eaten by suffering in Nigeria is made all the more damning by the fact that that nation-space sits on one of the richest geographies on earth. Yet, all she has been able to democratize for her people in nearly six decades of independence are poverty, suffering, and indignity. Nigeria is one of the most hostile territories to human dignity on earth.

Our struggle for a fair and just Nigeria, where the most fundamental reason for the existence of that country shall be the non-negotiable right of every citizen to human dignity, is therefore a double-pronged battle. In many societies, activism and the broad struggle for social justice, fairness, and equity, are premised on the fact that the 99% is suffering while the 1% is consolidating and getting richer by buying up politicians to make and pass laws in favour of their world.

In Nigeria, our struggle confronts a slightly different and far more intractable situation. The 99% is eating suffering and suffering is eating the 99%. What is more, at every stage in our postcolonial history, the 99% has aided and abetted the perpetuation of this situation by being the primary instrument for the perpetuation of the privileges of his oppressor and the most vociferous defender of his oppressor’s right to steal from him – once the ethnicity and the religious boxes are checked.

There is an added dimension to these scenarios. The 1% is pernicious in practically every society but there are usually multiple ways and paths through its doors. In Nigeria, the only path to the 1% is access to the public treasury. Stealing massively from the state and the people is the exclusive path to climbing in Nigeria. This explains why there is practically no member of the Nigerian 1% who isn’t an illustrious thief either as politician, political appointee, or civil servant. This singular mode of climbing and succeeding in Nigeria has had decades to crystallize into societal mores and values. The status quo in Nigeria has had over five decades to uphold looting and stealing as the only path to progress and success. That is the national example that generations of Nigerian youth have been exposed to.

Consider this example from Okun land. Our sociopolitical landscape in Okun land has been dominated for more than a decade by three despicable humanoids: Jide Omokore, Smart Adeyemi, and Dino Melaye. Omokore is a billionaire who built his wealth by being one of the most corrupt fronts that Goodluck Jonathan and Diezani Alison Madueke manufactured to loot Nigeria blind and produce the citizens now eating suffering and being eaten by suffering, many of whom would largely open their mouths today to serve as Jonathan’s and Diezani’s toilet. The other two became extremely wealthy in the National Assembly – and we all know the ways of the Nigerian National Assembly. My contempt for NASS and her thieving membership is well-known.

Now, if you were born in the 80s and the 90s in Okun land, it means that these three crooks are the only examples of “success” that have defined your formative years. They are the only “role models” who have made it. As an Okun undergraduate, you are dreaming of making it like these three. You are not dreaming of making it like my friend, Philip Adekunle, the founder and publisher of Nigeria Village Square who operates out of Chicago. He is from Ponyan in Okun land. You probably have never even heard of him because you are focused on the three gbajumo crooks and you aspire to be like them.

Now, multiply this tragic situation in my own Okun land by every ethnic and sub-ethnic nation in every nook and cranny of Nigeria and you will come to understand the enormity of the tragedy in terms of how we have raised folks born in the 80s and the 90s. The Okun situation is present all over Nigeria. We have presented the youth with no other model of wealth building and success than stealing and corruption and state patronage.

This explains why wealth has such a bad rap in Nigeria. This explains why affluence has such a horrible reputation in Nigeria. This explains why the youth who wrote me above has criminalized wealth. This explains why he misunderstands and misapprehends the essence and underlying philosophy of the struggle for justice and fairness in Nigeria. This explains why he believes that whoever has any presence as a voice in that struggle – he calls it the cause – should not be eating in highbrow restaurants in Victoria Island. This is why he thinks that “the cause” is synonymous with the glamourization of poverty.

No, my young friend, poverty is not a cause in and of itself. If there is any such cause, I am not part of it. Poverty is not a cause. There is a global cause against it and I have explained the double dimension of that cause in Nigeria: people are eating suffering and suffering is eating people. We are saying that we will not accept a Nigeria in which the only way out of this existential cul de sac is via access to and presence in Nigeria’s corruption industry. This is the fundamental premise of my membership of and subscription to the cause against poverty and social injustice in Nigeria.

Because we currently run a country whose public sphere is peopled by political crooks, corrupt government officials, and thieving civil servants, upheld for the youth as role models and examples of “making it”, we have built a national philosophy premised on stealing from the state as the only path to success. Worse, you don’t even need to work hard to envision your path to looting the Nigerian state. Your pastor is always there to predict your miracle.

What we are saying, young man, is that we categorically reject a society where you spend the most productive years of your life running from one pastor to another in the hope of securing the miracle of making it one day like the Governor, Senator, Rep, or Minister who is currently stealing billions from Nigeria because Nigeria has been impressing it upon you that such is the only way out of poverty.

What we are fighting for, young man, is a fair and just society where you can elect to eat in Okokomaiko or Victoria Island and the sky will not fall. What we are saying is that for every one thousand thieves eating in such restaurants, you encounter the one Nigerian who made it in the good old fashion of industry, innovation, and hard, very hard work. We are saying that such Nigerians should be your role model and should define aspiration and possibilities for you – not the thieving politicians you always glamourize.

Young man, whenever I am in Nigeria, I enjoy myself terunly in highbrow restaurants. Either I am paying because I have worked hard and can afford it or my friends such as Mrs. Kyke Davies and Mrs. Bamidele Ademola-Olateju are paying because they have worked hard and can afford it. I am saying that these two present alternative paths and conceptualizations of making it – evidence that we don’t always have to go the way of the corrupt to enjoy life.

Finally, young man, I am saying that if you work as hard as the 99% works in Nigeria, the system should not be permanently rigged to sustain you in a situation where you eat suffering and suffering eats you whereas looters who hardly do any work continue to amass billions. Consider Dasuki. Whereas there are rural farmers who still average hundreds of yam mounds per day using hoes in that country, he spent four years writing and signing one-paragraph memos to move billions from the Central Bank into private pockets. We are lucky he wasn’t even moving billions from the CBN by sending text messages.

Who should be in poverty – the farmer who hoes from 5:00 am to 7:00 pm every day in the village or Dasuki who worked less than an hour per day, just signing notes and memos? Nigeria says it is the farmer. We are saying we disagree with that version of Nigeria and all those who uphold and support it. We are saying that such people and their version of Nigeria shall know no peace and have no rest for as long as we live for we shall never accept the finality of their Nigeria.

Young man, do not glamourize poverty. Poverty is not a cause.

Iya kii s’omi obe.

Nigerian Army Discovers Boko Haram Bomb Making Facility...

Photo Credit: Nigerian Army

On Friday 30th April 2016, the ever hard working troops of 3 Battalion, 22 Brigade of Operation LAFIYA DOLE,  have again succeeded in bursting a secret Boko Haram terrorists’ Improvised Explosive making Device factory in Ngala town, north eastern Nigeria.

Photo Credit: Nigerian Army

It will recalled that despite their defeat, the terrorists continued to attack innocent citizens, military and soft targets through vehicular and human borne Improvised Explosive Devices (IED). Despite ongoing clearance of the remnants of the Boko Haram terrorists, they persistently hid the IED manufacturing factories location.

Photo Credit: Nigerian Army

However, that would be no more, thanks to the efficient intelligence and resilience of our troops. It was based on this that we got credible and timely information  that made troops to  swoop on  one of such factories in Ngala town and destroyed it and killed some of the Boko Haram terrorists.

In addition, they recovered 20 gas cylinders of various sizes prepared  and ready for explosive insertion, primers, gun powder, electric wires and tape recorders, amongst other items.

It is heart-warming to inform the public that troops in various parts of the theatre of operation LAFIYA DOLE are doing well and their morale remain very high.

Please disseminate this information to the public through your medium.

Thank you for your kind cooperation. 

Colonel Sani Kukasheka 
Acting Director Army Public Relations

SaharaReporters has not independently confirmed the authenticity of information contained in this press release

Marco Rubio ends presidential bid after Trump wins Florida

Marco Rubio

Marco Rubio, the Florida senator hailed in the aftermath of the 2012 election as the Republican party’s likely “savior”, suspended his bid to become the first Latino president of the United States on Tuesday.

Speaking in his hometown of Miami, Rubio congratulated Donald Trump on his victory in the Florida primary. “It was a big win,” he said.

Rubio added: “People are angry and people are very frustrated,” before being interrupted by a protester. “Don’t worry, he won’t get beat up at our event,” he said.

“These changes to our economy are disrupting people’s lives,” he continued. “There are millions of people in this country that are tired of being looked down upon.”

He attacked the political establishment and said that after eight years of Barack Obama the US needed a strong Republican party and a “vibrant conservative movement … built on principles and ideas, not on fear”.

“The politics of resentment against other people will not just leave us a fractured party,” Rubio said, “they will leave us a fractured nation.

“After tonight it is clear that while we are on the right side this year we will not be on the winning side … Today my campaign is suspended.”

He told his supporters of his loss: “There was nothing more you could have done.”

Donald Trump

Rubio, whose immigrant parents have been at the heart of his personal story, also spoke of his mother, who arrived in the US in 1956 with little education and neither money nor connections.

“In this country, on this day, my mother, who’s now 85 years old, was able to cast a ballot for her son to be the president of the United States of America,” Rubio said.

Although not unexpected, Rubio’s inability to carry his home state served as the final nail in the coffin of a campaign caught perennially on the cusp of breaking through, but falling under the weight of its own expectations. Rubio had, in recent weeks, suffered bruising losses in key primary contests that placed the senator well behind rivals Trump and Texas senator Ted Cruz.

Florida marked the last stand not simply for the 44-year-old senator, but also for a party seeking a consensus alternative to Trump. It was a mantle Rubio himself embraced in the final weeks of his campaign, although in part to his detriment.

A series of personal attacks Rubio made against Trump, while hardly the sole reason for his failure, helped propel the senator’s campaign into a downward spiral from which he never quite recovered. As Floridians took to the polls, Rubio expressed regret over his uncharacteristically lowbrow tone and acknowledged he had embarrassed his wife, children and the supporters who looked to him as a role model.

Rubio’s campaign was launched last April at the Freedom Tower in downtown Miami. Standing 11 months ago in the building that once served as the landing place for millions of refugees fleeing Cuba in the 1960s, Rubio entered the race with immediate comparisons drawn to another young, eloquent orator: Barack Obama.

His biggest obstacle then was Jeb Bush, the former Florida governor and Rubio’s one-time ally. In the end, neither of the state’s favorite sons proved a match for Trump and the grassroots anger fueling the business magnate’s campaign.

Speaking to the Guardian on the evening before his presidential bid arrived at its close, Rubio warned of a dire road ahead if Republicans failed to recognize the perils of a Trump nomination.

“If we’re going to be the party of fear, we’re going to spend some time in the wilderness,” Rubio said. “If we’re the party of fear, with a candidate who basically is trying to prey upon people’s fears to get them to vote for them, I think we’re going to pay a big price in November and beyond.”

If elected, Trump would not have the respect of allies around the globe, Rubio warned.

“I think he’s already an embarrassment,” Rubio said. “People around the world are watching this debate and this campaign and wondering what’s happening here, because the things he says are nonsensical.

“When you’re the most powerful and important nation on earth, you’re not always going to be popular,” he added. “But the question is, are you respected? And I don’t think Donald Trump is going to be respected.”

He added: “I don’t know how this is all going to end. This is uncharted territory. But from my mind, the Republican party has a very important decision to make: Are we going to be the party of fear or the party of optimism?”

Source: The Nation

$2.1bn arms deals: N1.5bn traced to ex-minister’s son

Dasuki

Dasuki’s ex-aide loses embassy job 

A bureau de change operator has told the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)   that N1.5billion was paid into his account for the son of a former Minister of Finance.

Salisu Umaru said he did not know what the minister’s son used the cash for. The former minister and his son were not named “so as not to jeopardise the investigation”. The cash is believed to be part of the $2.1 billion “phoney” arms deals funds.

Also at the weekend, it was learnt that the army has replaced one of its officers under probe for the phoney arms deals, Col. Nicholas Ashinze, with Col. M.A. Abdullahi as the nation’s military attaché to Germany.

Col. Ashinze is to refund N7.3million, which was paid to him as estacode and air fares.

Salisu, who  gave the EFCC details of how the N1.5billion was wired into his company’s account, said he never knew what the cash from the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) was meant for.

He said : “I was invited by EFCC and when I reported, I was shown my company’s account statement with Zenith Bank called Jabama Ada Global Nigeria Limited in which there was an inflow of N500million on 5/2/2015 and N1billion on 16/4/2015 into the account from the Office of the National Security Adviser.

“On the inflow of N500million into my company’s account  on 5/2/2015, I wish to state as follows : That on the same date(5/2/2015), I paid the equivalent of US$2,380,952 to the son of the minister, being the equivalent of the said N500million at the rate of N210 per dollar.

“I do not know what he used the money for. My own business is to buy and sell dollars. It  is only the minister’s son that can explain what the money was meant for. The minister’s son signed and collected the said N500million.

“On the N1billion inflow into my company’s account on 16/4/2015, I wish to say the money was disbursed as follows: $1,000,000, being the equivalent of N220million; and $327,000 (equivalent of N72,600,000) were paid cash to the son of the minister while the sum of N704,400,000 was transferred to various accounts based on the instruction of the minister’s son. He gave some of the instructions through text messages. Some of the instructions were also received from the father.

“I also want to state that I do not know what the N1billion was meant for and what it was used for.”

Col. M.A. Abdullahi’s initial nomination for the job was turned  down by a former Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Kenneth Minimah.

Gen. Minimah was said to have favoured Col. Ashinze because he speaks German fluently.

Col. Ashinze had been ordered by the army to refund N7.3million, including an estacode of N6million and N1.3milion air fares.

But the embattled former military aide to Col. Dasuki asked the army to prevail on the EFCC to lift the restriction on his account to be able to refund the cash.

A top source said: “Ashinze has been replaced with Col. M.A. Abdullahi as Defence Attaché to Germany because the EFCC is yet to conclude investigation of some military officers.

“In fact, Ashinze was replaced as soon a he was shortlisted for interrogation and before the EFCC began his drilling.

“While in EFCC’s custody, the military police brought the letter asking him to refund the N7.3million allowances. He said the army should lift the ban placed on his account to effect refund of the money.”

Source: The Nation

After wasting Nigeria for 16 years, the PDP is in no position to brand Buhari a failure By Simon Kolawole

Simon Kolawole

If I may quickly say this, I was not really a fan of Gen. Muhammadu Buhari until I read his interview in TheNEWS magazine some time in 1994 — nine years after he was overthrown in a coup by General Ibrahim Babangida. Questioned on the things he got wrong as military head of state, Buhari replied candidly (and I paraphrase): “We made mistakes, but they were genuine mistakes… we were in a hurry to change Nigeria.” That instantly won me over. His perceived highhandedness was not for personal profit; it was in desperation to reform Nigerians. In one sentence, I saw honesty, I saw patriotism and I saw authenticity. I became his disciple from a distance.

I started dreaming of a Buhari presidency precisely in 1998. I can’t remember everything now, but I was then the Features Editor of THISDAY. Mr. Victor Ifijeh, then the Editor, drew my attention to a public lecture on leadership by Buhari and asked me to write a “Man in the News” feature on him for the Friday Review section. After going through Buhari’s speech, whose details I cannot now recollect (which means I’m finally getting old), I convinced myself that this was the kind of leader Nigeria badly needed. I started praying that one day, Buhari would lead Nigeria again. The inimitable Gen. Sani Abacha was the head of state then.

I would later get close to Buhari. I sized him up at close quarters and made my conclusions. One, he is very passionate about the progress of Nigeria. He believes that the country can be far better than this. Two, he believes the major problem obstructing our progress is leadership deficiency. In an interview I had with him in March 2001, he complained about the growing lawlessness in the land under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s leadership, concluding: “Instead of the dog wagging the tail, it is the tail that is wagging the dog.” Three, he told me in May 2009 that Nigeria had been ruled by “leaders without conscience”, and that was why we had not developed “despite all our resources”.

I saw in Buhari a leader who would not spend his days in office feathering his nest. I saw a leader who would not condone stealing of public funds. I saw in him a strong personality who would take a decision and stand by it, not being tossed by every wind of doctrine. However, unlike most of the modern-day Buhari fans, I was very much aware of his limitations. I knew he would be highly constrained by his worldview. I worried about his economic philosophy. I also worried about his likely choice of core team members. Above all, I knew his handling of the Nigerian situation as a military man was not replicable in a democracy. I was quite realistic.

In truth, I was not expecting magic in the event of him becoming president. I did not expect him to change Nigeria and Nigerians in four years, much less in 10 months. It so happened that in 2015, after three failed attempts, Buhari became the choice presidential candidate. The anti-Jonathan movement found a ready symbol of change in Buhari. They quickly created him in the image they wanted: a flawless magician, the ultimate messiah. I was very worried for Buhari at some point. For instance, on January 25, 2015 — more than two months before he won the election — I did foresee trouble in an article with the title: “Buhari and the Burden of Expectations.”

I wrote: “To be honest, I don’t know whether to rejoice or sympathise with Gen. Muhammadu Buhari anytime I read all the sweet comments about him on social media — especially on Twitter. I don’t know any presidential candidate who has been so idolised in recent times — which is an excellent accolade any politician will gladly take. On the one hand, it is good for him. He will not be complaining at all. No politician will complain about such good fortune, especially with only a few weeks to an election. On the other hand, my God! The expectations are sky-high. Incredible. From what I am reading, Buhari is expected to perform nothing short of magic in Aso Rock…”

I am, therefore, not surprised by the increasing murmurings and grumblings against Buhari in less than 10 months. A country perpetually reliant on fuel imports, littered with bad roads and sick hospitals, living in darkness, churning out illiterates as graduates — let’s face it: the turn-around maintenance of Nigeria will take longer than 10 months. I’ve always told my friends no president can transform Nigeria in four years or even eight years. The most important thing, I keep emphasising, is to have patriotic and competent leadership taking us in the right direction. That way, we would know that our present sufferings are not worth comparing with the glory ahead.

Having said that, however, I am really getting worried about Buhari’s second coming. Yes, he has confronted Boko Haram decisively. Although the jury is still out, at least the soldiers are no longer running away to Cameroon on “tactical manoeuvre” or complaining about embezzled allowances. For once, there is sustained seriousness in the war on terror. Yes, Buhari has laid down the marker in his anti-graft war, even if it is not all-encompassing. At least, there is some activity on that front. We could use a more comprehensive strategy that includes moral suasion as well as institutional and administrative reforms, in addition to enforcement. Something is happening all the same.

But I worry about Buhari’s speed and economic philosophy. I admit that he met enormous challenges on ground. Only a magician would have killed all the cockroaches, mosquitoes and rats within 10 months. The PDP brigade, still hurting from their humiliation in the general election, are trying to force the issue, trying to brand Buhari as a failure already — yet their party had 16 whole years to address power shortage, dependence on fuel imports, infrastructural decay, comatose healthcare and stunted education. They wasted a golden opportunity. They are certainly not in a good position to describe Buhari as a failure before his first anniversary in office.

Nevertheless, I am very disturbed that Buhari does not yet have an economic direction. Neither is there an anchor. There is no clarity. What we are getting are mixed messages, bits and pieces here and there. I am hearing sweet statements and poetic promises, a lot of rhymes and alliterations, from APC leaders and ministers. There is no proper articulation so that we can have an idea of where we are headed. There are so many dots that are not connecting. I have this impression everybody is just doing their own thing without any overarching strategy to connect these dots. I can’t see coherence. I can’t see a roadmap. I can’t see what to hold on to.

Agreed, Buhari is not an economist. But you don’t have to be an economist to lead a nation to prosperity. All you need is a damn good economic team worth its onions. The team must have an anchor. We are neck-deep in an economic crisis and this requires emergency reaction. Even though Buhari is a strong character who stands by what he believes in, there must also be some flexibility. Economic crises are better tackled with a combination of antidotes. It is good that Buhari is a patriot and an honest man. It is good that Buhari means well. But meaning well does not solve these problems. He must also do well. The economy is in limbo, let’s be honest about it.

Mr. President, it’s time to wake up and smell the coffee. We need to see your development blueprint. We want to understand your policies, programmes and strategies. We want to see the goals and the goalposts. Your party says one thing today, you say another tomorrow. That you met a mess on ground is the same reason the majority of voters chose you. If they wanted the mess to continue, they would have maintained the status quo. And while we cannot expect you to clear the mess in 10 months, we need a mental picture of where you are taking us. I have no doubt that you can turn out to be the best Nigerian president ever, but where is the beef?

This “Change” Is Killing Us: Open Letter To President Muhammadu Buhari, By Inibehe Effiong

Inibehe Effiong

Dear President Buhari,

It is with a deep sense of humility that I write to convey to you my sincere feelings on the state of affairs in our nation and my home State, Akwa Ibom. I am doing so as an ardent supporter who devoted his time; risked his safety; staked his integrity and passionately and vociferously defended your candidacy during the 2015 presidential election in defiance of the strong campaign of calumny mounted against you by those who never wanted you to be the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
If I had any other practicable and convenient channel of communicating with you, I would have graciously explored it. Accept my sincere apologies if you are discomfited by my resort to public engagement through this open letter.

During the electioneering campaigns, you went round the country and vigorously propagated the message of change and solicited the support and votes of the Nigerian people with a solemn undertaking that our precarious situation will be ameliorated upon your assumption of office. I was persuaded by your promises. Majority of Nigerians went to the polls on March 28, 2015 and overwhelmingly elected you as the president of Nigeria because you promised change.

The slogan was ‘Sai Buhari’.

For once, I found dignity in my Nigerian citizenship. Many Nigerians, myself inclusive, kept vigil to monitor closely the events and controversies at the National Collation Centre. We were willing and prepared to march on the streets and defend your mandate if the Godsday Orubebes’ of this world had suceeded in truncating the final collation of results.

I shed tears of joy when the then Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Attahiru Jega, declared you the winner of that fiercely contested election. It was a marvellous and glorious experience. The feeling was simply indescribable. Upon your declaration, you proceeded to the National Secretariat of your party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) where you addressed a world press conference and reiterated your mantra of change. That night, I slept like a little baby because I felt that a responsible, incorruptible and courageous leader had finally emerged in Nigeria in my lifetime to lead our country out of the precipice.

My dear President, ten months after your historic assumption of office, it has become increasingly tedious to defend the change we proudly supported and voted for. The hitherto much taunted “body language of the president” seems to have evaporated.

It is true that the corruption infested Goodluck Jonathan’s regime and those before him had greatly destroyed, vandalised and polluted our country. It is also true that you met Nigeria in a terrible state. We are not unmindful of the myriad of challenges your administration is facing: from financial constraints due largely to low prices of crude oil at the international market; security problems orchestrated by the Boko Haram sect, the rampaging Fulani herdsmen and the very delicate agitation by the Pro-Biafran movement, etc. Nobody is expecting you to perform miracles or “turn things around overnight” as erroneously suggested by some of your aides.

The fact of the matter is that responsibility is the hallmark of leadership. What was the change gospel about if things were to remain the same? Yes you have a four year mandate. But ten months is enough time to resolve certain pressing and critical issues in the country and set a very precise and clear direction for the nation. There are problems that only require a firm presidential directive to solve but which has been neglected.

Mr President, just in case you are oblivious of the cost of fuel across the country, may I report to you that contrary to the pronouncement of your administration, fuel is not being sold for eighty six naira (N86) per liter. As at Sunday the 13th of March, 2016 when I wrote this open letter, I bought fuel at N125 per liter. In some places, it is much costlier than that. Does it mean that the federal government is incapable of keeping to its promises and enforcing policy decisions? It is not enough for the government to give excuses, the issue is that people are suffering because of the sheer incompetence of government.

If there is one problem that we expected the change government to address with vigour, it is the issue of epileptic power supply in the country. Before your election, our power generation was over 4000 megawatts. Data from Nigeria Electricity System Operator (NESO) showed that by 9.48am on Wednesday, 9th March, 2016 power generation was 1,580.6MW, with the Ikeja Electric getting 237.09MW; Abuja, 181.77MW; Eko, 173.87MW; Benin, 142.25MW; and Enugu, 142.25MW. Others are Ibadan, 205.48MW; Jos, 86.93MW; Kano, 126.45MW; Kaduna, 126.45MW; Port Harcourt, 102.74MW; and Yola, 55.32MW. See the Punch Newspaper report of Thursday, 10th March, 2016.

Despite this terrible power situation, the Minister Power, Works and Housing, Mr Babatunde Fashola, SAN and the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) have gone ahead to implement a new electricity tariff regime. In other words, while the administration is insisting that the old tariff regime is not “commercially viable and sustainable”, the reality on the ground is that Nigerians are being made to pay higher for darkness by a government that promised change.

Under your watch, commercial banks in the country are still carrying out illegal and unjustifiable deductions of funds belonging to their customers. Banks are still collecting inexplicable and offensive charges. Telecommunication service providers are still holding their subscribers to ransom in various ways. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) have respectively failed to stop this unwholesome practices. The Nigeria Police Force is still perpetuating extra-judicial killings and extortion.

Before your ascension to the presidency, a dollar sold for about N150. Currently a dollar goes for between 250 to N370 at the forex market. While the present depreciation in currency value may not be peculiar to Nigeria, the attendant effects on the economy and the well-being of Nigerians are self-evident and require no elucidation. The government has clearly not done enough to address this anomalous situation.

By Section 14 (2) (b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) The security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government” (sic). Although incessant killing and massacre of people of various communities across the country by the well armed Fulani herdsmen predated your administration, there is reasonable basis to say that they are now more daring and emboldened than what we witnessed in the past.

The recent killings in Agatu community of Benue State adds credence to the view that the herdsmen seems to enjoy immunity from the Nigerian State. The federal government so far has not demonstrated serious commitment to end the bloodbath and bring the culprits to justice. While I commend the feats recorded by the federal government and the security agencies in its ongoing onslaught against Boko Haram, it is unfathomable that innocent Nigerians are being killed and slaughtered in Rivers State simply because of their political persuasion.

During the reign of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), membership of the opposition party was treasonous especially in the South South region. That was the reason why a State like Akwa Ibom during the Godswill Akpabio dictatorship witnessed unprecedented murder(s) and kidnapping of opposition figures and critics.

It is therefore very saddening that even under the Buhari/APC-led federal government, the conscientious people of my State (Akwa Ibom) who risked their lives championing Buhari’s message of change are still being haunted, humiliated and intimidated by Godswill Akpabio and his army. The case of Akwa Ibom is just so pathetic. The people were denied their constitutional right to freely exercise their franchise both at the March 28 presidential election and the April 11, 2015 governorship election.

The European Union, the American Embassy in Nigeria and the Nigerian Civil Society Election Situation Room all returned a unanimous verdict that the Akwa Ibom elections was a total sham which should not be allowed to stand. Even the Nigeria Police Force and the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in their separate reports discredited the make-believe gubernatorial election. Several lives were lost. One of victims of that State sponsored terror, a 22 year old Mr Federick Richard Okon, from Mbierebe Akpawat village in Ibesikpo Asutan Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State was only buried recently on Wednesday, 9th March, 2016.

Till date, no one has been prosecuted for the killings and violence that marred the Akwa Ibom elections.

Justifiably aggrieved by the outcome of that fraudulent election and in line with the advice of local and international observers, Mr Umana Okon Umana, the APC gubernatorial candidate, filed a petition at the Election Tribunal seeking a cancellation of the so-called election and presented over 350 documentary evidence and called 52 witnesses. The Tribunal partly agreed with him and nullified the election in eighteen (18) out of the thirty one (31) Local Government Areas of the State.

On their part, the Court of Appeal in a well considered judgment nullified the entire election and berated the Tribunal for ignoring the unchallenged evidence of over voting based on both the Card Reader and the Voters Register and the evidence that there was no collation of results which were never contested nor countered by the PDP and the other Respondents. On further appeal by the PDP, the Supreme Court did not only reverse the judgment of the Court of Appeal but also set aside the partial nullification of election by the Tribunal.

On the day of the final judgment, Akpabio stormed the Supreme Court in fanfare some minutes before the Chief Justice of Nigeria and other Justices of the seven man panel returned from break to deliver their verdict in company of retinue of aides and supporters. The moment Akpabio entered the Supreme Court, movement of people were restricted by security men at the Court. His conduct inside the Supreme Court gave the impression that he merely came for celebration. Several reports in the media quoted him as declaring just before the judgment that it was “all over”.

Mr President, where were you when all this was going on? Sir, I do not know of any president in the world who came to power on the platform of an opposition political party that has totally undermined and destroyed the party that brought him to power the way you have done. Respectfully Sir, you seem to operate under the illusion that for you to effect change in the country, you must abdicate from partisan politics.

In the name of non interference, you have allowed very bad people to assume underserved leadership positions through undemocratic means. Your seeming nonchalant attitude has emboldened predators to infiltrate and compromise critical institutions of state and organs of government at the peril of justice, national cohesion and development.

Least I forget, without consulting with anyone, you came to Akwa Ibom State and picked an ally of Godswill Akpabio and a card carrying member of the PDP, Senator Udo Udoma, as the ministerial nominee to represent the State in the Federal Executive Council. Respectfully Sir, that singular decision was/is a spite on the conscientious people of the State who supported and are still supporting you in the hope that you will protect them from the oppressive tendencies of Godswill Akpabio and his proteges. You may need to watch the video clip on YouTube showing how Akwa Ibom people reacted in Uyo the capital to your victory at the election. It speaks volume of the expectations of Akwa Ibom people.

Mr Udo Udoma is today reaping where he did not sow. Here is one very self-centered and egoistic politician from Akwa Ibom that does not have any affection for his people. He only cares about his selfish interest and that of his elitist cronies in the PDP. Udo Udoma has failed in his first critical assignment as Minister of Budget and National Planning given the recent budget imbroglio.

As if that was not enough humiliation for Akwa Ibom people, you sacked the Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Mr Dan Abia, who merely occupied the slot of Akwa Ibom State and replaced him with Mrs. Ibim Semenitari from Rivers State. Frankly, I have no problem with the removal of Mr Abia for whatever misconduct he may have committed.

However, by the provisions of Sections 3 and 12 of the Niger Delta Development Commission (Establishment, etc) Act 2000, the position of Managing Director of the NDDC is statutorily rotated every four years among the oil producing States. That has been the practice. Therefore, any replacement for Mr Abia, whether in an Acting or substantive capacity, should have come from Akwa Ibom State until the expiration of the State’s tenure. Simply put, Akwa Ibom has been cheated. It amounts to robbing Peter to pay Paul. Even if the growing support of Akwa Ibom people for your administration means nothing to you, the State should be given her rightful place in federal appointments and citing of projects being the highest oil producing State in the federation.

My beloved president, you suffered from fraudulent elections on three previous occasions before Nigerians finally elected you in 2015. You fought up to the Supreme Court of Nigeria in 2003 and 2007. In 2011, you declined seeking remedy in court having lost faith in the nation’s judicial process. But your party, the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), went to Court and fought up to the Supreme Court and lost.

Experience they say is the best teacher. Even if you were to fail in every other aspect of governance, it should certainly not be in the restoration of the sanctity of the electoral process. You also have a historic responsibility to champion revolutionary changes in the Judiciary.

It is not defensible for you to sit back and say that you “will not interfere” when you have not effected a system or mechanism that stops other people from interfering with the judicial and electoral process. Nobody is asking you to help rig elections or inflence court judgments. All we are saying is that nobody should be able to do what the president himself has refused to do. Leaving people who staked their lives supporting you at the mercy of electoral predators is sinful and wicked. You have left the weak and vulnerable in Akwa Ibom State at the mercy of Godswill Akpabio and his army.

Sir, the current Inspector General of Police, Mr Solomon Arase, is an ally of Godswill Akpabio having served in Akwa Ibom State during Akpabio’s regime as Commissioner of Police at a time politically motivated killings and other crimes were rife. That was why he instituted frivolous criminal charges against a lawyer, Mr Leo Ekpenyong, who has written series of petitions to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) against Akpabio. The EFCC till date has refused to act on those petitions. What then is the war against corruption about when people like Akpabio are allowed to walk freely and infiltrate critical institutions and organs of government in the country? Is Mr Solomon Arase not one of the saboteurs in your government?

Sir, without the support of the Democrats, President Obama would not have recorded his achievements in the United States of America in the last seven years of his presidency. The Republicans rarely give him a chance. The British Prime Minister, David Cameron, has succeeded because he has the support of the Conservative Party both in parliament and in the country. This explains why both leaders are very interested in the affairs of their parties. Obama is currently backing Hillary Clinton for the White House because he knows that if the Republicans win the November 8, 2016 presidential election, many of his landmark reforms like the ObamaCare will be truncated.

Since you came to power, your party the APC has recorded more defeats than victories. The APC is today fighting a cold war with itself. There are various camps: the Tinubu camp; Atiku camp; Saraki camp; your own camp and so on. Few days ago, it was Tinubu’s daughter who led market women to protest at the APC Secretariat in Abuja. Across the States, members of your party feel abandoned. Even though I do not belong to the APC, I believe that what goes on in the ruling party will ultimately affect the entire country. If there was responsible leadership in the PDP, Nigeria will not be where it is today. The division and leadership failure in the PDP culminated in the defeat of Goodluck Jonathan at the polls.

Looking at the National Assembly today, one can clearly see the signature of your bad politics and error in judgment in the name of “non interference”. If you had appreciated the fact that the composition of the leadership of the National Assembly will affect your administration, Senator Bukola Saraki would not have been the Senate President today. As long as the status quo remains, you will continue to face embarrassment and resistance from the National Assembly.

As a final postscript, permit me to say that the faith of the Nigerian people in your administration is eroding at a worrisome level. This is the hard fact that Alhaji Lai Mohammed, Mr Femi Adesina, Mallam Garba Shehu and other image managers of your administration may not tell you. You may need curtail your oversea trips if that will make you to fully appreciate the true situation of things in the country.

This “change” is killing us and the time to truly change things in the country is now.

I sincerely want you to succeed and may you succeed. May God give you the insight and the courage to do what is right for our nation.

Thank you.

Your loyal subject,

Inibehe Effiong (Esq.).

Legal Practitioner and Convener, Coalition of Human Rights Defenders (COHRD).

inibehe.effiong@gmail.com

We'll Never Cover Up Corruption, Says Bukola Saraki

Senate President, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki has reiterated the commitment of the current Senate to supporting the Buhari administration's fight against corruption, saying "under my watch the Senate will never cover corruption except if the information didn't come to us".

Speaking with a team of editors of the London based "The Economist" newspaper at the weekend, Saraki, according to the statement by his Special Assistant on Public Affairs, Mohammed Isa, said the Senate is ever ready to partner with President Muhammadu Buhari to ensure the success of the anti-corruption war.

The Senate, he said had already demonstrated such commitment through its interventions on many alleged corrupt transactions such as its swift investigation and adoption of a report on the management of the Treasury Single Account (TSA) that saved the nation about N7billion and the exposure of the inconsistencies in the 2016 budget.

The step, he said was a departure from the past where such reports were either watered-down or not presented for debate and adoption. He cited the report he presented to the last Senate on the over N1trillion fuel subsidy scam that never saw the light of the day.

In furtherance to the commitment, the Senate President said Nigerians would in the next few weeks be availed with the details of the National Assembly budget which will be a departure from the tradition of having one line item budget.

"For the first time we promised Nigerians to give out our budget breakdown. The committee will make its report available by next week. We are resolved to break the tradition of one line item," he emphasized.

Saraki said though party differences exist between the senators, citing example of the leadership tussle, he, however said, national interest and the desire of each senator to fulfil the promises made to Nigerians have become the guiding principle of the senate in their team work.

On the economy, he said the Senate has embarked on series of legislative interventions to create conducive environment for the private sector, as he said, "it is only when the private sector thrives that the issue of unemployment will be addressed and the nation's GDP will increase."

"Few days ago, we received a report on the laws that need to be amended in order of priority importance to ease doing business and overall private sector participation in the stimulation of Nigeria's economy. We will soon commence the implementation of the recommendations in the report in addition to pushing for the amendment of the Procurement Act to stimulate and protect our local industries," he assured.

He blamed lack of firmness and consistency in policy implementation by the past administrations as the main obstacle for the growth of the private sector.

"If people have confidence that these policies have come to stay, nothing will stop them from coming to invest in the country," he stressed.

He allayed the fears that the low prices of oil will have negative impact on the implementation of the 2016 budget, saying that, "what we need to do is to block leakages and show more transparency."

"If we can block leakages, stop the wastages and institute a culture of transparency in governance, the revenue in-flow will not be substantially affected. Without these, even if oil is sold at more than a $100 per barrel, we will continue to witness a decline in revenue in-flow as we witnessed in the past," Saraki said.